Brain Drain in Africa: Issues and Challenges in the Context of Higher Learning in Cameroon.

KEYWORDS Administration. Appointment. Diaspora. Higher Education. Promotion. Recruitment

ABSTRACT

The so-called brain drain is a topical issue globally, and especially in Africa, where the phenomenon is multifaceted. Inspired by similar trends reported for Africa, this conceptual paper highlights the case of Cameroon by exploring the structure of academic staff recruitment by state universities, which is managed through a highly centralised bureaucratic public service system. The tendency to appoint people to key university positions, such as vice rectors, deans, and heads of departments, by presidential decree exacerbates the situation. In addition, the limitation of 45 years as the maximum entry age into the public service deprives universities of highly skilled professionals, who seek employment elsewhere although they have the potential to contribute to the development of the economy through involvement in the local higher education system. To mitigate this situation, it is imperative for governments to separate state universities from the broader public service system, and grant the universities autonomy to manage their own affairs, including recruitment based on their peculiar realities. Giving universities the authority to manage their own recruitment and promotion processes will encourage competition, boost output and reputation, and curb brain drain.

INTRODUCTION

Brain drain refers to “the international transfer of human capital resources… [and] highly educated individuals from developing to developed countries” (Docquier 2014: 2). Nechad (2018: 58) describes it as “the flight of human capital”. It is a worldwide phenomenon, which has existed for many decades, and was exacerbated by globalisation (Rizvi 2005). From a global perspective, Benedict and Ukpere (2012: 2421) observe that, whilst China, Haiti and Portugal are examples of countries affected by the brain drain phenomenon, the case of India is peculiar, as “about 80 percent of its computer programmers migrate to the USA, depriving theIndian economy of about US$2 billion a year in innovations” (citing Onduba 2000). In spite of its global nature, the extent and characteristics of the brain drain are unique in some circumstances, and it has particularly adverse effects on developing countries (Rizvi 2005; Bagdanavièius and Jodkonienë 2008; Docquier 2014), especially in Africa (Benedict and Ukpere 2012; Masanjala 2018), and most significantly for subSaharan Africa (Kigotho 2013; Masanjala 2018). Although general migration from Africa is well documented, and also cause for concern, it is the outward migration of skilled and highly educated people that is the focus of this paper. In this regard, Kigotho (2013) reports that in subSaharan and developing countries, the emigration rate of the skilled population was higher than the total immigration rate, reflecting the higher outward mobility of people with educational attainment. According to Kaempf and Singh (1987: 12), “migration of highly qualified personnel, in particular from less developed societies, leads to widening of the gap between the poor and the rich countries of the world”.
The brain drain phenomenon in Africa is caused by factors that could be conveniently grouped as pull and push factors. These factors range from socioeconomic factors and political instability, to security concerns (Docquier 2014; Nyatcha 2019). Policies related to employment and the retirement age (Netongo et al. 2019) make matters worse. Docquier (2014: 3) identifies the following as the primary causes of brain drain in Africa: “Poverty and a lack of economic growth… discrimination, political repression, and a lack of freedom”. Due to these circumstances, skilled professionals in Africa migrate to the developed world, where they gain employment in what they consider a more stable environment (Bechem 2018). Similarly, in an exploration of push and pull factors for the brain drain phenomenon in the health sector, Najib et al. (2019: 93) identify some of the pertinent factors in Zimbabwe that pose threats to job security, salaries and training and career opportunities. The preferred destination for Zimbabweans in this category in the United States of America; Najib et al. (2019) describe this migration as detrimental to Zimbabwe’s health care system. Similarly, Chand (2019) reports that the number of Ethiopian doctors practising in a single city, Chicago, is about three times the total number in Ethiopia; thus, signifying the implications of brain drain for African
countries.

Concerning the age of retirement, Netongo et al. (2019) argue that the retirement age of 60 years, which is typical in many African countries, is counterproductive because it deprives the continent of skilled professionals, who then seek employment abroad, where their skills are valued after the age of 60 years. Ngadaya et al. (2019) are of the view that this low retirement age deprives younger scientists of experienced
supervisors, who retire, as required by law, at a time when their services are in demand the most. This pattern is disturbing because many African scientists attain a first degree between the ages of 25 and 30 years, and a PhD between 40 and 45 years (Harle 2013; Ngadaya et al. 2019). Some of the causes of the trend of late graduation relate to the ongoing socioeconomic and political challenges faced by the continent (Ngadaya et al. 2019), as well as corruption (Bechem 2018; Transparency International 2018). These challenges, indirectly, deprive many professionals of the opportunity to contribute to the muchneeded national development of African countries. This practice of putting an age to the recruitment of university staff differs from that in most parts of the world, where policies do not place age restrictions on university staff recruitment. A case in point is South Africa, where staff recruitment for universities is not restricted by age, and retirement age can be up to 65 years (Higher Education South Africa (HESA) 2015). In South Africa, the mean age of doctoral graduates is 40 years, and one fifth of PhD graduates are over 50 years at the time of graduation (HESA 2011); the average enrolment age is 38 years (HESA 2015). This means the age restriction practiced in Cameroon is not the case in South African higher education.